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Our Morgan County singles are in the area code, and might workable in these or other zip codes: It is evident that the producers of the geoglyphs made particular choices about the creation and placement of the panels to ensure that the rock art acted an ideal messaging agent Wobst The spatial relation-ship between rock art and travel routes has been widely recognised in northern Chile e.

Briones ; Briones et al. The route comprised several tracks and secondary paths when crossing flatter land known as a rake-type pathbut tended to form one single track on steeper terrain 2. There is no archaeological evidence of planned construction. Rather, the tracks appear to nave been formed and compacted by repeated animal and human use over a considerable period of time.

The main interregional route ran approximately km linking different ecological regions. However, the route did not pass or link local settlements within the Lluta Valley. Instead, local settlements in the valley were connected by secondary intra-valley paths Schreiber that were bifurcations of the principal route. Archaeological evidence from sites within the Lluta Valley provides information on the timing of exchange activities and the social and cultural contexts of the groups participating in the lama caravan journeys.

A further indicator of increased human interaction and exchange can be gleaned from the subject matter depicted in the rock engravings in Lluta Valley Valenzuela Additionally, the introduction of motifs more common in the highlands such as birth figures, have been recorded in sites of the Fertile Sector of the Lluta Valley.

Depictions of seamen documented at sites in the same sector Valenzuela provide additional evidence of increased human interaction between the highlands and the coastal fringe.

Berenguer indicates that evidence of the presence of caravan activities include caravan kit tie hooks, ropes, cowbells, etc. However, in exoreic valleys, and specifically in the Lluta Valley, such direct evidence is lacking see Berenguer Although some lamas skeletons have been found in Lluta Valley excavations Santerononehave been identified as belonging to cargo lamas.

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The lack of readily available water and grass in the Lluta Valley exeludes the possibility that lamas were used for pastoral purposes.

The path provides physical evidence of past traffic and the resulting interaction that oceurred Berenguer The length of the route, which extends for km, adds to the probability that people transporting a wide variety of goods would have utilised the carrying capacity of available highland pack animals.

Analysis of the physical and social contexts in which the geoglyphs were produced suggests that they functioned as visual tools to legitimise the highland peoples' access to coastal resources and facilitated exchange. First, there is no evidence of caravan kit in local archaeological sites, which suggests that the local populations of the Lluta Valley were not caravan people.

Second, ethnographic data indicate that the highlanders who undertook the caravan trips were also herd-ers Berenguer ; Custredan activity restricted to the highlands. Taken together, these factors explain why trade goods are found in local archaeological deposits, while caravan kit is not. Finally, both the principal path and the secondary paths follow a similar route directed towards to the coast of present day Arica indicating that the coast is the primary goal of the route.

The final destination of the highlanders was the Littoral Sector, rather than the Fertile and Coastal Sectors of the Lluta Valley where the geoglyphs are located see Figure 5. Why then were the geoglyphs created in the Fertile and Coastal Sectors of the valley if the desired destination of the highlanders was the Littoral Sector?

The uni-cultural ceramic component of the archaeological record from the Coastal Sector Santero et al. Rather, the geoglyphs marked a critical inter-nodal space through which travellers needed to pass in order to reach the Littoral Sector where they could obtain valued exchange resources.

It is in the middle sectors of the valley that the highlanders with their lama caravans are likely to have been seen as interlopers and poten-tially met with hostile reactions e.

Berenguer ; Harris The form, and the social and physical contexts of production of the geoglyphs indicate that they are likely to have played a role in symbolically marking the most significant nexus between the coast and the altiplano. Increased social interaction resulting from the introduction of lama caravan traffic would have produced an uneven relationship between groups from the altiplano and those from within the Lluta Valley, a situation where Conkey suggests, stylistic behaviour differentiating those threatened from those perceived as interlopers is likely to be identified.

The Littoral Sector offered economic resources unavailable in the highlands such as fish, algae and seabird guano. The relative abundance of economic resources and greater population density in the Fertile Sector of the Lluta Valley compared to the other sectors of the valley Santoro et al. Archaeological excavations in the Fertile Sector reveal permanent habitation sites with more physical infrastructure and evidence of agricultural practices. Also, the caravans could have crossed from here to the Azapa Valley by way of the bifurcated routes that are known to have existed.

Pressure created by the arrival of outsiders into the Lluta Valley necessitated a mechanism which, not only identified differences between the resident group and the visiting group, but flagged local group identity to outsiders thus reducing the threat to the resident group.

This would have made interaction on both sides more predictable and allowed for exchange to proceed for the mutual benefit of all. We suggest that the geoglyphs in the Lluta Valley provided such a mechanism. Quebrada de Humahuaca -Northwest Argentina From ca. In addition to the repeated association between human figures and lamas, geometric motifs are frequently added to panels Figure 8. The average size of the motifs is small mm high with panels applied to the rock surface in a linear manner using an extremely fine brush and red, white, black and yellow pigments creating delicate poly-chrome figures.

This style of rock art has been recorded at 11 sites throughout the valley with an average of three to four panels of paintings produced within each site. They carry weapons and other objects of material culture and lamas and geometric motifs complete the compositions. In nine of the eleven sites, the artists have intentionally selected disconformities on the rock substrate on which to paint, in order to dramatise the visual composition of the panel.

A sample from the organic fraction of the black pigment from one of the panels was dated using AMS radiocarbon techniques. The majority of the motifs were painted on nine small rocky outcrops that afforded little protection from the elements, while others were produced on the walls of two rockshelters. While not directly associated with habitation sites, all rock art sites are located within reach of dispersed villages and inside the radius of boundaries expected for extended herding territories.

By locating the Media Agua Stylistic Group away from everyday domestic activity and major travel routes, and then choosing to produce the motifs on a small scale, the artists would have limited both the number and nature of potential viewers. Archaeological evidence recovered from habitation sites in the valley e. Data from excavated sites indicate an increase in practices associated with food production and related changes in land use. These economic changes are associated with the construction of larger villages, different in structure to those built in earlier times.

A number of ceramic pipes, some contain-ing hallucinogenic substances were recovered in deposits from excavated habitation sites. A similar pipe has been depicted in the hands of the leading human figure on the main panel at Media Agua 1. As the line of figures is associated with a line of lamas, we could speculate that the scene depicts ceremonial practices connected with herding. Discussion The archaeological record indicates that around 2, BP, herding was the predominant pastoral pursuit in the Quebrada de Humahuaca.

Due to the arid environment, the intensification of herding practices led to conflict in the struggle to set up, maintain and extend herding temtories. The location of the sites along with the subject matter depicted in the Media Agua Stylistic Group suggest that they could have been playing a multi-purpose role and encoding different messages for different audiences, at different intra and inter group scale: Those producing and viewing the art then probably belonged to these societies with herding as their main economic activity.

The homogeneous nature of the Media Agua Stylistic Group indicates that the audience was likely to be from a cultural group with similar cultural prac-tices who may or may not have been competing for resources. The rock art then could be expected to have functioned as a tool to bond and reassure groups in times of social change or mark boundaries amongst rival groups.

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The contrast between the high visibility of the art assemblages described in the two previous examples from Australia and Chile, and the low visibility of the Media Agua Stylistic Group from Argentina suggests that the intended audiences differed.

In contrast to the small motifs in isolated locations typical of this style, the more recent art in the Quebrada de Humahuaca is placed in highly visible locations alongside trails. Clearly, the later art was intended to be exposed to a far broader audience than that targeted by the Media Agua Stylistic Group. In each example, the production of rock art was used as a tool to negotiate newly arising circumstances in order to ensure predictable and desirable economic and social outcomes for the artists' group.

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The methods and form used by the respective inhabitants to achieve these outcomes varied in each case study. In each case, the location of the rock art in relation to scarce and valuable resources, especially water was highly significant as might be expected in regions classified as deserts. Similarly, the trails taken by outside traders travelling through the hyper-arid Lluta Valley on the way to the Pacific coast, had to follow the only source of water flowing along the valley floor.

Thus, by placing the geoglyphs so that they could be viewed from the trails, the artists ensured that they would be seen by all who passed. In the same way, in the high altitude desert of the Quebrada de Humahuaca, there is a strong relationship between the rock art and water sources.

Here, the painted scenes are consistently located near springs or basins with permanent water used by resident groups and their herds and are linked primarily to the management of grazing territory. The cultural preferences manifested in the three deserts are represented by differences in the choices that each society made in the form and context of the art.

This diversity also indicates subtle differences in the ways in which people in the past utilised art to mediate social interaction. In northwest central Queensland a bounded, distinctive art style emerged as a response to the introduction of long distance trade and exchange amongst hunter-gatherer groups.

In the Lluta Valley, analysis of the non-random placement of the geoglyphs, their monumental form, along with their stylistic distinctiveness and their specific spatial arrangement along the route between the altiplano and the coast provides clues to their function. The geoglyphs were produced as a means of legitimating actions, particularly the access of lama caravans from the altiplano to the coast and the resources found there.

The geoglyphs, then, embody social, political and economical aspirations. In contrast, increased competition for resources in the Quebrada de Humahuaca led to the production of a very different rock art assemblage.

These panels played several roles: We would like to thank Centro de Investigaciones del Hombre en el Desierto and the Universidad de Tarapaca organisers of the Second Deserts Conference held in Arica Chile in for the opportunity to meet and present aspects of this paper. One of the authors Ross kindly hosted the other authors in Australia providing an additional opportunity to collaborate. Thanks to Rolando Ajata for the making of the Figure 5. Finally, we thank the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions.

Notes 1 "Paths are informal routes beaten by repeated individual movement of people across the landscape. References Cited Aveni, A. American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. Resultados de las excavaciones en un sector del asentamiento.

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Gallardo El poder de los gentiles. In Reader in Archaeological Theory. Post-Processual and Cognitive Approaches, edited by D.

La Leyenda Maya del Colibrí: El mensajero de los Dioses

In Social Archeology, edited by C. Academic Press, New York. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima. Revista Universidad de Chile Sede Arica 3: Pleistocene Image and Symbol, edited by M.

University of California, San Francisco. Fischer Sourcing stone axes in the Selwyn region. Sutton Archaeology in another country, exchange and symbols in north-west central Queensland. Aboriginal History Monograph 11, Canberra. Hoffman Social agency and the Dynamics of Prehistoric Technology. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 1: University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis.

Bulletin de l'Institut Francais d'Etudes Andines